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An Expert Report Uncovers Growing Radical Islamist Networks and Activities on Bangladeshi Border
Updated: Aug 14
News Analysis ၊ August 13, 2026
The Rakhine-Chittagong corridor has transformed from a region of ethnic grievance into a transnational security crisis where state actors, foreign powers, and militant networks engage in a dangerous game of strategic manipulation. Lt Col Ujjual Abhishek Jha's recent comprehensive analysis reveals how Bangladesh's 2024 political transition created a security vacuum that multiple state and non-state actors are exploiting with calculated precision, turning a localized border issue into a theatre of proxy warfare with profound implications for regional stability.
The Islamist Threat Matrix in Bangladesh
The report meticulously documents a sophisticated ecosystem of Islamist organisations operating within Bangladesh. Jama'atul Ansar Fil Hindal Sharqiya (JAFHS), formed between 2017 and 2019, represents perhaps the most immediate threat along the Bangladesh-Myanmar border. Its core ideology centres on "Ghazwat-ul Hind"—the Islamic conquest of India—with the CHT and Rakhine State designated as "Hindal Sharqiya" (Eastern India). The group's tactical partnership with the Kuki-Chin National Front, a non-Muslim ethno-nationalist group, provides access to remote training camps and arms procurement routes, demonstrating how operational necessity overrides doctrinal differences.
Ansar al-Islam (AAI) serves as Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent's primary affiliate in Bangladesh. The August 2024 release of Mufti Jasimuddin Rahmani, AAI's ideological chief, has proven consequential, with Rahmani immediately calling for reviving separatist movements in Kashmir and Northeast India. Intifada Bangladesh emerged in 2025 seeking to rename the country "Muslim-Bongo," while Neo-JMB maintains Islamic State affiliation and Hizb ut-Tahrir Bangladesh pursues institutional penetration.
The Bangagya (Rohingya) Militant Landscape
The transformation of Bangagya armed groups represents one of the report's most significant findings. ARSA, the most significant actor, balances ethno-nationalist grievances with a jihadist narrative. The arrest of leader Ataullah Abu Ammar Jununi in March 2025 triggered internal restructuring under Maulana Borhan. RSO, formed in 1982, has emerged as the Myanmar Army's proxy in Northern Rakhine, maintaining status as a state militia with an estimated 3,500 fighters. ARA, formed by criminal Nabi Hossain, functions primarily to protect smuggling routes, while RIM represents the most ideologically radical group, visualising Taliban-style governance.
The formation of the "Four Brothers Alliance" in December 2024, reportedly orchestrated by Bangladesh's Directorate General of Forces Intelligence, represents the most significant consolidation of Bangagya extremists in history. The alliance functions as a tactical coalition with camps in Bandarban District, close to the Indian border. Religious leaders have termed the conflict against the Arakan Army as "jihad," potentially attracting external support.
State and Foreign Actor Manipulation
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence emerges as the most significant external state actor since the 2024 transition. The ISI pursues a doctrine of destabilising Bangladesh through radicals, communal conflict, and political instability to divert India's strategic focus. This approach creates operational opportunities for Al-Qaeda and affiliated networks to penetrate India's eastern flank. The ISI reportedly maintains linkages with multiple groups, including JAFHS, and leverages the consolidation of Rohingya militants to gain leverage over India's comprehensive security framework.
Saudi Arabia's role operates on two tracks: financial support through diaspora and charitable organisations, and transfer of radical extremist ideology. ARSA's founder operated from Saudi Arabia until his arrest, and radical religious establishments have framed the Rohingya issue as an anti-Muslim campaign, aiding recruitment.
Turkey engages in humanitarian diplomacy while reportedly linked to financial and logistics networks of Rohingya organisations, aiming to establish itself as a prominent soft power within Muslim-majority nations. Malaysia functions as a critical transit node, with an estimated 100,000 Rohingya diaspora enabling less restrictive monitoring of informal financial flows and movement of materials from the Middle East.
China maintains a calculated approach, preserving economic investments while engaging the Arakan Army as the de facto governing power in Rakhine and simultaneously providing the Myanmar Army with military hardware and diplomatic cover at the United Nations. Bangladesh's own DGFI reportedly orchestrates the Four Brothers Alliance, helping consolidate Rohingya groups under Bangladesh Army influence while managing assets like Ustad Khaled as ARSA chief.
Implications for India and the Region
For India, the convergence creates a multi-dimensional security challenge. The Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Project faces potential disruption, the vulnerable Chicken's Neck corridor becomes a threatened artery, and training camps in Bandarban District sit in close proximity to the Indian border.
The report warns of radicalisation spreading to West Bengal and Assam, potential Bangagya group spillover into Northeast states through ethnic linkages, and digital radicalisation accessible to Indian youth. When combined with small arms proliferation, narcotics smuggling funding IED procurement, and explicit AQIS strategic intent to revive separatist movements, the threat to India's Northeast becomes existential. The CHT-Rakhine corridor is no longer just a humanitarian concern; it has become the node of a transnational security crisis involving multiple state sponsors, transitioning states, displaced populations, and global terror outfits next to India's most geopolitically sensitive region.
Download full report on Violence Against Civilians by Islamist Armed Groups in Northern Arakan: An In-Depth Analysis by Humanitarian and Development Coordination Office (HDCO).
