How India Can Build Better Relations with Arakan

By GAN

Longread: Opinions                                       August 17, 2025

India's Kaladan Project Via Arakan (photocrd)

Arakan (Rakhine State) holds a pivotal position in India’s strategic and diplomatic landscape, given its proximity to India’s northeastern states and its role in the Bay of Bengal region. As the United League of Arakan (ULA) and its armed wing, the Arakan Army (AA), consolidate control over much of Arakan, fostering stronger ties with this emerging proto-state offers India an opportunity to advance its regional interests.

The three proposed statements—recognizing Arakan’s historical ties and neighborly importance, correcting past mistakes by engaging with current AA leadership, and balancing Arakan with Myanmar’s unreliable military for projects like Kaladan while countering militancy—provide a framework for building a robust India-Arakan relationship. This commentary examines these proposals from Arakan’s perspective, emphasizing benefits for its people and stability, without direct attribution to specific actors.

Arakan as an Inevitable Neighbor and Friend with Historical Roots

Arakan’s historical and cultural ties to India, rooted in the ancient Mrauk-U Kingdom (1430–1785), form a strong foundation for deepened relations. The Mrauk-U Kingdom, a maritime and cultural hub, maintained trade and diplomatic exchanges with Indian states, and shared Buddhist traditions that resonate with India’s cultural heritage. Arakan’s strategic location along the Bay of Bengal, bordering India’s Andaman and Nicobar Islands and close to northeastern states like Mizoram and Tripura, makes it a natural partner for regional cooperation. For Arakan’s people, stronger ties with India promise economic opportunities, security, and cultural exchange.

Ancient Buddhist Pagoda in Mrauk-U (photocrd)

From Arakan’s perspective, India’s recognition of these historical ties could foster mutual trust. The Arakan people value their distinct identity, shaped by centuries of independence and interaction with Indian civilizations. Engaging Arakan as a friend aligns with India’s Act East Policy, which seeks to strengthen ties with Southeast Asia. For instance, cultural exchanges, such as joint preservation efforts for Mrauk-U’s archaeological sites, could enhance goodwill. Economically, Arakan’s agricultural and fishery resources could complement India’s markets, particularly in the northeast, where connectivity remains a challenge.

Correcting Past Mistakes and Engaging Current AA Leadership

Past Indian actions, particularly the alleged involvement in the assassination of former AA leaders, have strained relations with Arakan. While details remain murky, such actions, reportedly linked to India’s security concerns in the 1980s and 1990s, damaged trust with Arakan’s leadership. The current AA leadership, having established significant control since 2023, appears more pragmatic and open to dialogue, prioritizing mutual interests like border security and economic development. For Arakan, engagement with India offers a chance to address internal ethnic challenges and secure support for its autonomy aspirations.

From Arakan’s perspective, India’s acknowledgment of past missteps—without necessarily admitting fault—could pave the way for constructive ties. The current leadership seeks partners to counterbalance Myanmar’s junta and address internal issues, such as tensions among the diverse communities. India’s experience in managing ethnic diversity in its northeast could inform Arakan’s governance, particularly in fostering inclusive policies.

MPs from Mizoram Visited Arakan (photocrd)

India’s strategic interests align with this approach. Arakan’s leadership has expressed willingness to cooperate on issues like cross-border insurgency, which affects India’s northeast. Groups like the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) pose threats to both Arakan and India, with their activities spilling into Mizoram and Tripura. Collaborative security measures, such as intelligence-sharing and joint patrols, could strengthen border stability. Building trust requires diplomatic engagement, possibly through backchannels, and supporting Arakan’s development goals, such as infrastructure and education, to demonstrate commitment to mutual benefits.

Balancing Arakan with the Myanmar’s Military for Regional Interests

Myanmar’s military junta, weakened by the 2021 coup and ongoing civil war, is an unreliable partner for India. Central Myanmar’s instability, likely to persist for years, contrasts with Arakan’s emerging stability under ULA/AA control. For India, prioritizing Arakan for projects like the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project and countering Islamic militancy offers a strategic advantage. The Kaladan project, connecting Kolkata to Mizoram via Arakan’s Sittwe port, is critical for India’s northeast connectivity but has faced delays due to Myanmar’s turmoil. Arakan’s control over key project areas makes it a more viable partner.

The Kaladan project promises economic revitalization. Sittwe port and related infrastructure could create jobs and boost trade, benefiting all communities. Accelerating the project would signal India’s commitment to Arakan’s development, enhancing local support for the ULA/AA’s governance. However, Arakan requires assurances that the project respects local interests, such as fair land compensation and environmental protections, to avoid tensions with communities.

India's Kaladan Project in Paletwa (photocrd)

Countering Islamic militancy, particularly from ARSA and RSO, aligns with both Arakan and India’s security goals. These groups’ activities, including drug trafficking and forced recruitment, threaten Arakan’s stability and India’s northeast. Arakan authorities seek international support to dismantle these networks. India’s expertise in counterterrorism could aid Arakan, through training and intelligence-sharing, while addressing root causes like poverty and statelessness that fuel militancy.

Challenges include Myanmar’s junta, which opposes ULA/AA authority and may disrupt cooperation. India’s balancing act with the junta, driven by strategic concerns, complicates engagement with Arakan. To succeed, India must engage Arakan directly, possibly through regional actors like ASEAN, and prioritize funding for Kaladan’s completion. Humanitarian aid to Arakan, targeting all communities, could mitigate ethnic tensions and align with India’s regional security goals.

Conclusion

From Arakan’s perspective, the proposed strategies offer a pathway for India to build a stronger, mutually beneficial relationship. Recognizing Arakan’s historical ties fosters cultural and economic collaboration, leveraging shared heritage to enhance trust. Correcting past mistakes by engaging the current AA leadership opens avenues for cooperation on ethnic challenges and border security, benefiting both Arakan’s stability and India’s northeast. Prioritizing Arakan over Myanmar’s junta for projects like Kaladan and countering militancy ensures strategic alignment, provided India respects local interests. Despite challenges—Myanmar’s instability, ethnic complexities, and geopolitical rivalries—a pragmatic approach rooted in dialogue, development, and security cooperation can position Arakan as a key partner for India, advancing regional stability and the dignity of Arakan’s people.