Analyzing the Illogical Provocation Against the Arakan Army by Bangladeshi Journalist

Article Analysis

Global Arakan Network December 20, 2025

The article published on 29 November 2025 in The New Nation by A H M Faruk paints a dark picture. It claims the Arakan Army runs a vast drug empire that threatens Bangladesh’s survival. Words like “drug terrorism” and “drug bomb” fill the page. Yet, when examined closely, the piece falls apart under its own weight. It relies on fear, not facts, and repeats old patterns seen whenever neighbours or the Myanmar junta feel pressure.

First, the writer states that the Arakan Army controls around 80 percent of Rakhine State and funds its fight mainly through drugs. This is a serious charge, but no proof follows. The movement enjoys wide respect inside Myanmar and abroad. Its visible income comes from legitimate taxation in areas it governs, business activities with allies, donations from the diaspora, and support from sympathetic groups. The junta works hard to block these channels, which shows they are real and effective. To claim drugs are the main fuel ignores these open sources and offers nothing solid in their place.

Second, Faruk describes a clever “taxing” system where the Arakan Army supposedly protects drug caravans moving from Shan State through Rakhine to Bangladesh. A quick look at any map destroys this story. Between Shan State and Rakhine lie Mandalay, Magway, Bago, and Ayeyarwady regions – all still held by the junta. More importantly, the junta has imposed a total blockade on Rakhine, stopping even food and medicine from reaching towns and villages. Under such tight control, how could large drug shipments pass unnoticed through hundreds of kilometres of hostile territory? The idea is simply not believable.

Third, the article lists routes such as the Naf River, hilly paths in Teknaf, and sea lanes near St. Martin’s Island. It blames the Arakan Army for all of them. What it carefully avoids mentioning is that sea routes – the main channel for drugs entering Bangladesh – remain under the watch of the Myanmar junta and Bangladesh Navies and Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB). Senior BGB officers have publicly admitted that over 80 percent of yaba and crystal meth arrives by sea. These waters lie far from Arakan Army positions. Responsibility must rest with those who patrol those lanes, not with fighters many kilometres away.

Finally, Faruk tries to tie the Arakan Army to drug flow by pointing at Rohingya refugees in the camps. He calls the camps “logistic hubs” run by the movement. This is false and misleading. Inside Bangladesh, the camps and border areas are managed by Bangladeshi authorities and armed Rohingya groups such as ARSA and RSO. The Arakan Army has no command there. Poverty and lack of opportunity push some refugees into carrying drugs, but that is a tragedy created by long neglect, not evidence of distant control.

In the end, the piece is long on alarm and short on evidence. Sensational headlines grab attention, but empty claims do not stand long. Similar stories have appeared before whenever the junta suffers defeats or when border tensions rise. Each time, the goal is the same: shift blame, create fear, and weaken support for a movement that has earned trust through discipline and governance.

Drugs do harm Bangladesh – no honest voice denies this. The answer lies in honest cooperation, stronger patrols where the drugs actually enter, and pressure on all actors who profit from the trade. Throwing wild accusations at the Arakan Army solves nothing. It only clouds the truth and delays real solutions. Clear thinking, not loud headlines, will protect the youth and future of the region.