A commemorative reflection on the 15th anniversary of the Arakan Army
ULA/AA Chief sits for an interview with the Global Arakan Network (GAN)
By GAN
Longread: Interviews, Opinions April 10, 2024
The GAN, a collective action of Arakanese youths from across the globe, is pleased to celebrate the 15th anniversary of the Arakan Army. As a part of the GAN’s objectives, we are thrilled and privileged to write the following piece as a commemorative reflection by reaching out to the founder of the AA, Major General Twan Mrat Naing.
Major General Twan Mrat Naing during the founding anniversary of the AA (Photo/GAN)
“Despite claims of ongoing political reforms amidst Myanmar’s current political climate, these purported changes are characterized by high uncertainties and unpredictability, with little evidence of meaningful progress. Therefore, it is imperative for us, the Arakan Army, in partnership with the people of Arakan, to maintain a heightened state of vigilance at this time.”
A quote by the founder of the Arakan Army, Major General Twan Mrat Naing spoken on April 10, 2014, a decade ago. It now appears remarkably prescient given the unfolding events in Myanmar's political landscape. Despite the insightfulness of the young insurgent leader's speech, it received limited attention from both national and global media platforms as well as other powerholders within Myanmar.
In those days, the AA was highly neglected and the total number of troops was reported to be only slightly over 1,500. Observers might not have a clear answer on how a group of just more than a thousand rebels far away from their homeland could make a successful journey. The AA composed of a mix of Arakanese youths, including educated professionals, university students, and monks, was established on April 10, 2009, within the controlled territory of the renowned Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State, northern Myanmar.
Politically, the AA was marginalized and even rejected signing the so-called 'Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement' (NCA) as an equal participant in October 2015 under the military-backed Thein Sein administration. A similar stance persisted under the quasi-civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, with the AA being the only group uninvited to the fourth session of the '21st Century Panglong Peace Conference' in August 2020.
Recalling those difficult times, Major General Twan Mrat Naing say:
“We have been diligently pursuing our objectives with determination. Throughout this journey, we have encountered both supporters and detractors. We extend our gratitude to those who have supported us, while also acknowledging that the challenges posed by those who marginalized and bullied us have contributed to our growth and resilience. In facing adversity, we have emerged stronger and more capable.”
Indeed, fast forward to its 15th anniversary on April 10, 2024, and a dramatically altered military and political landscape has emerged. Just a month ago, he reportedly said that the group has trained over 38,000 troops, making it the largest national ethnic armed organization based on manpower. On the Arakan military front, its troops have captured nine major towns, namely Paletwa, Pauktaw, Kyauktaw, Mrauk-U, Mongbra (Minbya), Mrebone (Myebon), Rambree, Ponnakyun (Ponnagyun), and Rathedaung, in addition to several smaller towns.
More importantly, critical times are still approaching. On its birthday, the AA forces are marching to occupy the ‘Western Regional Military Command’ situated in Ann and the Military Operation Command-15 (MOC-15) and its battalions in Buthidaung including No (1) Border Guard Police Commanding Force based in Kreing-Chaung in Maungdaw. Besides, the AA soldiers are in a stronger position to capture the frontline command centre of the MOC-5 from Taunggoke, based in ‘Taw-Hein-Taung’ in Ann township. The two key geo-strategic seaport cities, the capital city of Saittway in the north and Kyaukphru in the south, are also heavily surrounded while the only international border town with Bangladesh, Maungdaw, is not too far from falling. This state of military deployment uncovers a state in which the AA shows a higher degree of manoeuvrability than what is commonly expected.
From a historical perspective, the current position achieved by the Arakan Army (AA) for the people of Arakan stands as unprecedented and remarkable, marking a significant departure from previous Arakanese national struggles since the fall of Mrauk-U. This accomplishment can be attributed to the steadfast belief within Arakanese political culture in the resurgence of a powerful Arakan, coupled with exceptional leadership demonstrating strategic acumen and tactical astuteness. Furthermore, the dedication of courageous and disciplined fighters, who have committed their lives solely to the liberation of Arakan, has been instrumental. Beyond an insurgency, the United League of Arakan (ULA), the political wing of the AA, since 2019, has been establishing numerous 'state-like institutions' encompassing various domains such as judiciary, policing, prison, taxation, information, humanitarian aid, agriculture, livestock, forestry, health, education, and other public services. Despite facing challenges such as limited human and material resources and political constraints, the ULA has commendably excelled in providing these essential public services.
As recently pointed out by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), it does not matter how the outcome of the fighting unfolds, the current sweeping gains by the AA are already enough to enable self-rule and reshape the wider balance of power in Myanmar. In the upcoming months and years, the AA-backed ULA government will be the only sovereign authority in Arakan managing the public affairs of more than 3 million population over a landmass territory of more than 40,000-kilometer square, nearly twice as large as Timor Leste.
AA soldiers in Kyauktaw town (Photo/AAinfodesk)
While the primary military and political objectives of AA troops focus on removing the junta control and installing genuine self-determination in Arakan, the current political climate, stemming from the early 2021 nationwide political crisis, provided chances for a broader strategy, including waging war against the junta in other regions. Consequently, the AA is reportedly engaged in armed struggles in Bamar-majority regions such as Sagaing and Magway, including ethnic states like Kachin and Shan. The ‘sphere of influence’ enjoyed by the AA is now evident given its support and training behind at least 15 newly emerged resistance groups mainly located in neighbouring Chin, Magway and Bago and adjacent Sagaing areas.
According to the Major General, the military and political dynamics in Arakan and beyond are said to be strategically interlinked with one another. He explains:
“The main reason for this is the demands imposed by the military situation. Strategically, it becomes imperative to counter a stronger and more resourceful adversary from all angles. Therefore, we must utilize our available resources effectively to confront the opponent. In response to their incursions into our territory, it is essential to devise more effective means of deterrence.”
Clearly, the AA now becomes a key kingmaker in the present and future balance of power or hegemonic game in Myanmar politics. Numerous observers and analysts have attempted to analyze which particular factors motivated the AA leadership and its members to start such an uncertain journey. How could a small group of rebels, thousands of kilometres away from their homeland, build the largest national (ethnic) armed force capable of winning thousands of battles against the seemingly formidable but fatigued Myanmar military on its own turf?
The deeper and more fundamental factors for understanding this question largely require delving into the glorious history of the 'Mrauk-U’, followed by national humiliations and tragedies that ensued after it fell for over two centuries.
Direct Descendants of the Empire
According to Arakanese legend, the founder of the first Arakanese kingdom, Dhannyawaddy, situated on the eastern bank of the Kaladan (Kissipanadi) river in 3325 BCE, was King Marayu (Maryu). This marked the beginning of a historical journey categorized by Arakanese historiography into four great eras of dynastic rule: Dhanyawaddy, Waitharli or Vesali, Laymroe, and Mrauk-U. Of these, the Mrauk-U dynasty was the most illustrious and is the most comprehensively documented.
Situated between the Laymore and Kaladan rivers, Mrauk-U was an Arakanese Buddhist polity that embraced elements from Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, and other traditions. It transcended being merely a cosmopolitan city-state or a powerful kingdom; it was an empire that stretched from the Bay of Bengal to the Gulf of Martaban. On land, the power projection of the Arakanese emperors extended from Tripura, and Chittagong in the north to Thanlwin and Bassein in the South. In his seminal doctoral thesis on the history of Mrauk-U, published on March 13, 2008, at Leiden University, Dr. Galen, S.E.A. van wrote:
“In 1635, following the great famine of 1631-1634, Arakan’s power had reached its zenith. Arakanese fleets operated freely from Bengal to Tenasserim. The same year Sirisudhammaraja’s official coronation finally took place. The expansion of Arakanese influence prompted the Burmese and the Mughals to retract their (provincial) capitals further inland. The Mughals felt so insecure in Dhaka that the seat of the Bengal subah was moved far inland at Rajmahal.”
Indeed, the “Mrauk-U Empire” during its zenith can also be referred to by another title: “regional power” in the adjacent areas of South Asia and Southeast Asia. According to another esteemed historian on the ascent of Mrauk-U, Dr. Jacques Pierre Leider described:
“Starting from the sixteenth century, the kings of Arakan transformed their marginal principality into a regional power which held its own on the battlefield against much more resourceful neighbours, notably the Mughal governors of Bengal and the kings of Burma. The Mrauk U kings at times took advantage of a combination of economic and political opportunities, but their success depended above all on the ways material and human resources were gained, improved, managed, and maintained.”
Mrauk-U, in short, was an empire and a regional power during its zenith, and an independent and sovereign state in terms of political development. The founders of this mighty political power are the forefathers of the modern-day Arakaneses who established and served in the Arakan Army. Therefore, the existence of Mrauk-U as a glorious power is largely critical for all political motivations, justifications, and destinations of modern-day AA-led Arakan national movements.
Mrauk-U at the 17th century (Photo/Wikipedia)
But it is neither about the restoration of the past socio-political system nor necessarily all territorial boundaries but only about achieving the regional political status and sovereignty that Arakan as a political entity celebrated during its existence two centuries ago. However, as empire fames and fades, so does Mrauk-U, resulting in desperate national humiliation for the people of Arakan.
Two Centuries of National Humiliation
The nature of historical changes from the Arakanese perspective transcends cyclical or teleological interpretations; it embodies themes of struggle for liberation and rejuvenation. Around seven years ago, in May 2017, the AA chief articulated a sentiment shared by every Arakanese - the aspiration for freedom and sovereignty over their homeland. He said:
“Every Arakanese has a dream in their hearts. One day, they should become a free citizen of our fatherland. The land of Arakan is ours.”
This sentiment was echoed again on February 7-9, 2024, when the AA successfully liberated the former royal capital city of Mrauk-U. Numerous Arakanese expressed jubilation, proclaiming phrases such as "Arakan is back," "early days of the Arakan renaissance began," or "the long-held political dream" of Arakan partly realised after more than 200 years. Some even vowed to prepare for the upcoming 2030, the 600th anniversary of Mrauk-U founded by King Man Co Mvan in 1430 ACE.
Locals in Mrauk-U (Photocredit)
Despite the myriad attempts by historians and analysts to dissect the collapse of Mrauk-U in 1784, attributing it to various short and long-term causes, it was ultimately the result of internal disunity and external invasion. When Mrauk-U stood united, neither the Burmese nor the Mughals could penetrate its defences. However, the decline of Mrauk-U was hastened by fragmented leadership or ‘weak absolutism’ in its final years and the westward expansionist ambitions of the rising Burmese power, resulting in a destructive fate for Arakan and its population.
Subsequently, Arakan endured a period of profound suffering and degradation, characterized by what can be termed as ‘national humiliation’, 'colonial Arakan history' or the 'dark ages' for the ruled Arakanese people in their homeland. During this time, the Arakanese people faced frequent threats of genocide or ethnic cleansing in their native land. Among the numerous atrocities inflicted upon them, the mass exodus and forced deportation under Burmese Kobaung rule, the mass massacres during the Second World War, the mass killings in 1967, and the Mrauk-U killings in January 2018 stand out. With continued impunity, the junta military, also known as the Myanmar military, has intentionally killed at least 400 innocent civilians since 2018, perpetuating colonial practices in Arakan.
ULA Flag waving near the Mrauk-U Palace (Photocredit)
Despite all these grave and inhumane crimes and atrocities perpetrated by the successive outside rulers, the voices of the Arakanese people were largely ignored by a broader regional and international community. Being a leader of the military institution that has a duty to protect its population, Major General points out:
“It's crucial that we draw lessons from these incidents for our people. When we analyze why they perpetrated such serious crimes, it's evident that their actions stem from ethnic extremism, chauvinism, and an unwillingness and inability to resolve political differences. Consequently, we witness ongoing armed clashes today as a result of these underlying factors.”
Indeed, Martin Smith, a well-known expert on Myanmar, summarized in his report on Arakan in December 2019, that the Arakanese have endured five distinct "colonizations," starting from 1784 to the present day.
“In Rakhine histories, they are recorded as the first two of five “colonisations”, a subordinate status that many political activists argue still continues. These five eras are summarised as: 1784-1824 under the Konbaung Dynasty, 1824-1941 under the British, 1942-45 under the Japanese, 1945-48 under the British again, and 1948 to the present day under post-independence governments. The British and Japanese rulers are today long gone. But the longevity of these experiences means that, in political circles, Arakan is still referred to as a “hidden colony” today.”
As he rightly points out, in the post-independence era, spanning more than seven decades, the Arakanese people have been deprived of their right to self-determination and sovereignty. Despite participating in political and armed struggles against colonial rulers, including the British and Japanese, their efforts were largely unrecognized by Burmese elites. Even during the parliamentary period, calls for the creation of a 'Rakhine state' were rejected until it was finally granted in 1974 under a one-party socialist regime, devoid of meaningful political autonomy. By the time Myanmar was classified as a 'least developed country' (LDC) in 1987, Rakhine state was already the poorest region in the nation, bearing no resemblance to its prosperous past epitomized by Mrauk-U.
Children in Mrauk-U (Photocredit)
Arakan has endured neglect despite the introduction of open market policies by post-1990 military regimes. When Burmese military leaders tried an unsuccessful democracy experiment from 2010-2020, both pro and anti-establishment governments led by the USDP and NLD refused to share the power with the majority seats winning Arakanese political parties such as RNDP and ANP. Despite its strategic location and hosting substantial foreign investments, the local population of Arakan continues to face economic hardship, leading to mass migration in search of viable livelihoods and employment opportunities. This economic disparity persists despite the region's potential and the substantial foreign investments it attracts from neighbouring countries.
Locals in Mrauk-U (Photocredit)
Being the leader of the current Arakan national movement in the 21st century, the GAN asks the Major General how he gained the determination to start an armed struggle, He replies:
“While we take pride in our illustrious history, it's disheartening to witness the stark realities of poverty firsthand. I've been deeply saddened to see impoverished children begging for food on rainy nights. Witnessing the hardship endured by our people and the oppression by Burmese soldiers has been a sobering experience. These realities, reflecting on our past, our present circumstances, and our aspirations for the future, have motivated us to spearhead the current revolution.”
Against this backdrop, it is the AA-led movement that takes a more pragmatic approach toward the realization of the ‘Arakan Dream’ based on the philosophy of the ‘Way of Rakhita’ (WOR).
However, the WOR transcends mere philosophy; it embodies a practical task to be followed and implemented. While a famous political scientist Francis Fukuyama decades ago proposed 'liberal democracy' as the end point of human history in terms of ideological struggle based on the Hegelian Dialectics, the Arakanese in another corner of the world have been preparing to sacrifice lives, bodies, family members, and properties for national liberation against political colonisation, economic exploitation, and cultural Burmanization.
Since its inception in 2009, the AA has engaged in multiple phases of the Arakan liberation war, culminating in the ongoing 'fourth' round of national liberation war starting on November 13, 2023. These struggles are indispensable for the pragmatic realization of the long-held Arakan Dream - a military and political ambition to reclaim the liberation and sovereignty of Arakan.
The AA and the Future of Arakan
As a military institution, the AA bears the primary responsibilities of liberation and defending the country. While the group has made significant progress in its 'liberation phase,' approximately reaching 60 per cent completion, it has also found itself under the political leadership of the ULA established in January 2016. Furthermore, to address administrative matters, the ULA set up the Arakan People's Authority (APA) in December 2019, later rebranded as the Arakan People's Government (APG).
AA founding anniversary in 2017 (Photo/GAN)
Among these three political entities, the AA holds the highest degree of institutional strength and political legitimacy, being widely recognised as the scarifiers and liberators of the land. Consequently, the AA now operates with a dual purpose: liberating the country while also working towards building the ‘state’.
Concerning the political vision endorsed by the movement, Major General explains:
“When we strive to construct a nation that caters to all its people, devoid of favouritism towards any particular ethnicity or religion, it becomes imperative to ensure security, peace, and a promising future for every community within the region. Embracing the principles of the Way of Rakhita entails upholding justice, equality, and dignity, wherein every individual of Arakan shares equal rights and responsibilities.”
AA soldiers (Photo/GAN)
Looking beyond the political vision, the AA faces the question of institutional growth. In a mid-2020 interview, the ULA/AA chief asserted that the 70,000-strong AA is hoped to be sufficient to liberate the country. While the current reports put the number of AA troops at around 40,000, considering the inclusion of the AA Axillary (AAA) or village defence forces, the manpower could exceed 100,000, constituting approximately 3-4 per cent of the state's population. In the years ahead, from the perspective of a standard army, the AA may need to equip itself with more advanced military hardware and software, along with the establishment of its navy and air capabilities. Building a strong military requires sufficient population and economic resources.
More interestingly, there exists a sociological and psychological dimension to AA. Arakan is home to diverse ethnic and religious groups, unified under the banner of 'the people of Arakan.' Similarly, the Arakan Army embodies inclusivity, serving as the army of all people in Arakan, irrespective of race, ethnicity, religion, or class.
This issue remains a significant question for AA’s leaders on how they want to build an armed force representing all segments of society. Concerning this question, he envisions:
“We categorically reject the existence of any separate armed groups based on any pretext. Under our national defence policy, every citizen is entitled to rights and obligations. There will be a unified command structure and a single armed force tasked with safeguarding all inhabitants of the state.”
Indeed, amidst many critical changes brought about by the emergence of the AA, one noteworthy achievement to be praised on its 15th anniversary is the renewed confidence among the people of Arakan. It symbolizes that once sovereign, peaceful, powerful, prosperous, and dignified Arakan is back on the right way. For past, present, and future generations of Arakan, the AA means a unifier, discipliner, guider, justice bearer and liberator from over two centuries of national humiliation and will remain the same in the future.
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