Dhaka's Blockage of Humanitarian Aid and Trade on Arakan: The Key Reason of Muslim Exodus

Kyaw Zan, Opinion

Global Arakan Network September 4, 2025

BGB Members on the Border (photocrd)

The crisis in Rakhine State, referred to as Arakan, has been severely aggravated by Dhaka’s policies, which mirror the Myanmar junta’s tactics in blocking humanitarian aid and trade, fueling the exodus of the Bangagya (Rohingya) Muslim community. The provided points—Dhaka’s neglect of its aid and trade blockages at a Cox’s Bazar conference, the misattribution of migration causes to the Arakan Army (AA), and the urgent need for international pressure on Dhaka—reveal a dire situation. By restricting aid and trade, Dhaka aligns with the junta’s oppressive measures, exacerbating suffering and instability in Arakan.

The first point highlights Dhaka’s hosting of an international conference on the Bangagya in Cox’s Bazar, where it sidestepped the critical issue of its own blockage of humanitarian aid and trade to Arakan, a violation of international law. Arakan, once a prosperous trading hub before Burmese subjugation, relies heavily on cross-border commerce.

Dhaka’s restrictions choke the region’s economy, mirroring the Myanmar junta’s tactics of isolating Arakan to suppress dissent. Both actions contravene international humanitarian law, such as the Geneva Conventions’ mandates for unimpeded aid access in conflict zones. These blockages deprive all Arakan communities, including the Bangagya, of food, medicine, and essentials, creating a humanitarian crisis. By ignoring this at a global forum, Dhaka deflects responsibility, focusing solely on the refugee influx while perpetuating conditions that drive migration, much like the junta’s strategy of economic strangulation.

The second point challenges the narrative that the AA is primarily responsible for pushing Bangagya Muslims to flee to Bangladesh, Malaysia, or elsewhere, asserting that Dhaka’s blockages are the root cause. The AA, which has gained significant control in Arakan since 2023, operates in a context of scarcity intensified by both the junta’s restrictions and Dhaka’s parallel actions.

By cutting off aid and trade, Dhaka creates a humanitarian void, forcing families to face starvation or lack of healthcare, compelling them to migrate for survival. Historically, Arakan’s economy survived on trade with Bangladesh, supporting both local and Bangagya communities. Dhaka’s blockades, like the junta’s, disrupt these vital networks, echoing the same intent to control through deprivation. Media narratives blaming the AA oversimplify the crisis, ignoring how Dhaka’s policies, in tandem with the junta’s, create conditions where migration becomes inevitable.

Bangagya Muslims Fleeing into Bangladesh (photocrd)

The third point calls for international pressure on Dhaka to open its borders for aid and trade to prevent further escalation, which could drive more Bangagya across the Naf River. This is urgent. Restoring trade could stabilize Arakan’s economy, fostering cooperation among communities and reducing migration pressures, countering the destabilizing effects of both Dhaka and the junta.

Historically, Bangagya traders facilitated cross-border commerce, benefiting the region. Dhaka’s restrictions, likely driven by political or security concerns, align with the junta’s approach, risking a larger refugee crisis that burdens Bangladesh. International intervention is critical to compel Dhaka to reverse its policies, aligning with Bangladesh’s interest in regional stability.

In conclusion, Dhaka’s blockage of aid and trade to Arakan parallels the Myanmar junta’s tactics, driving the Bangagya exodus and deepening instability. The international community must act swiftly to hold Dhaka accountable and restore aid and trade pathways, ensuring a sustainable future for Arakan’s communities.